From the sporting arena to business, politics and cultural life, a younger generation is increasingly making its mark

Congratulations to the Springboks for a tremendous game in Baltimore. Sport has a remarkable ability to bring South Africans together, sometimes more effectively than politics ever manages.

But what caught my attention this weekend was something else: young people are increasingly showing the way.

Kimi Antonelli won the Formula 1 Grand Prix in Spain at just 20. And while Amber-Rose Berry’s English Channel swim on 23 August is now several weeks old, watching the 18-year-old from Pringle Bay relive the extraordinary ordeal on Carte Blanche last night brought it vividly back to life.

Berry became the youngest South African woman to swim the Channel, completing the 33 km crossing in an unofficial 10 hours and 27 minutes. She battled cold water, strong currents, jellyfish stings and the wake of passing ships. Watching her story last night was a reminder that sporting achievement is often less about the headline than the sheer determination behind it

They are very different achievements, but both demonstrate the same thing — youth is not simply waiting in the wings.

The same is happening beyond sport. In business, technology, politics and cultural life, younger people are challenging established ways of doing things, creating new businesses and movements, and changing what audiences expect. They are not necessarily more capable than previous generations, but they are growing up in a very different world — and increasingly shaping it themselves.

Perhaps that is one of the more encouraging stories of the moment. While much of the older establishment is arguing about how things used to be done, a younger generation is busy doing them differently.

Dealmakers in Delhi

And so to New Delhi, where the BRICS leaders have just finished another summit and produced another 45-page declaration.

South Africa went to India looking for more trade, investment and industrial opportunities. President Cyril Ramaphosa took part in the India-South Africa Business Leadership Roundtable, with the government highlighting opportunities in pharmaceuticals, infrastructure, critical minerals and the electric-vehicle battery value chain.

The New Delhi Declaration talks of deeper trade and investment, greater use of local currencies and stronger financial cooperation.

Now comes the difficult part: turning summit declarations into deals.

South Africa has no shortage of declarations. What it needs is investment that actually builds things, creates jobs and earns export revenue.

The photograph of leaders signing another declaration is easy. Getting the money into a factory is considerably harder.

The newspaper that may disappear

The possible closure of the Toledo Blade is another reminder of what happens when newspapers disappear.

The paper, founded in 1835, is up for sale and its owners say both its print and digital operations will close at the end of the year if a buyer cannot be found.

Journalist Jack Lessenberry, who first joined the Blade as a summer intern in 1978 and later became a reporter, national correspondent, national editor, writing coach and ombudsman, has written about what the loss would mean.

He recalls that Abraham Lincoln was such a reader of the Blade that, on the last full day of his life, he kept a Cabinet meeting going longer than scheduled so he could read his colleagues the latest satirical spoof from the paper.

But satire has proved rather more resilient than newspapers.

Private Eye continues to skewer British politics and public life, while The Onion, McSweeney’s and the wonderfully outrageous Weekly World News have carried satire into the digital age.

So perhaps the newspaper is not quite dead yet. It has simply lost its monopoly on making fun of the world.

South Africa’s uncomfortable numbers

South Africa’s economy contracted by 0.2% in the second quarter, ending six consecutive quarters of growth. Mining, manufacturing and trade were among the main drags, while the official unemployment rate rose to 33.6%.

Mining provided another dose of bad news last week, with production falling 7.5% year on year in July.

Then there are the apparently impressive profits being reported by the state-owned enterprises. Transnet made R4.6 billion, while Eskom reported R30.3 billion.

But what do these profits actually tell us? Transnet’s result was heavily boosted by a once-off gain from its Durban container-terminal deal, while the rail system still struggles with ageing infrastructure, theft and poor reliability. Eskom may be keeping the lights on, but it still carries enormous debt and municipal arrears. Profit is one thing. A healthy state-owned enterprise is quite another.

And diesel remains expensive for anyone moving goods around the country. From September, 500ppm diesel rose to R29.11 a litre inland and 50ppm to R30.05.

What’s happening on the JSE this week?

Monday: Greencoat Renewables and Optasia — interim results.

Tuesday: Attacq — final results.

Wednesday: Pan African Resources and Supermarket Income REIT — final results.

Thursday: Momentum Group — final results.

Friday: Putprop — final results, and SA Corporate Real Estate — interim results.

Pan African Resources will be one to watch. Its annual results for the year ended 30 June are due on Wednesday, with the gold producer coming off a year in which gold prices have been a major tailwind.

And finally…

A snake was found lurking inside a portable toilet in South Africa, providing another reminder that the country can produce stories no satirist would dare invent.

Monday has arrived.

“I like to keep moving. If you stand still, you’re a target.”

— Chrissie Hynde, The Pretenders, from a recent interview in Variety

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WARNING: NOT FOR SENSITIVE READERS

This article contains satire, strong opinions, rhinos with legal representation, politicians in the crossfire, and at least one impala with a legal grievance. Readers of a delicate disposition, employees of certain unnamed parks boards, and anyone who has ever attempted to put wildlife somewhere it does not belong are advised to look away now.

Everyone else: welcome to the 100th birthday party. Bring binoculars. Leave the bags.

We leave it to your imagination to decide what is true.

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KRUGER TURNS 100 — WE WENT BEHIND THE SCENES AND NOW WE NEED A LIE DOWN

Rhino Named Gerald Hires Lawyer; Renaming Committee Still Lost in the Parking Lot

SKUKUZA — The Kruger National Park has turned 100. A century. A hundred years of lions, leopards, elephants, and people attempting to interfere with things that were doing perfectly well without them.

We went behind the scenes to see what is really happening. We are not okay.

The park is a place of magnificent anomalies and contradictions. Its formal history began in 1926, when the Sabi and Shingwedzi game reserves were brought together under the new National Parks Act. But the conservation story goes back further, to 1898, when the Sabi Game Reserve was proclaimed during Paul Kruger’s presidency.

The original idea was simple enough: protect the wildlife before there wasn’t much wildlife left to protect. That part was a triumph. That part deserves cake.

The rest of it is a mixed-use retail, tourism, conservation, crime-fighting and wildlife experience.

IN DEFENCE OF OOM PAUL (YES, REALLY)

Everyone loves to pick on poor old Oom Paul Kruger. He wasn’t such a bad chap. The man had enough problems fighting the marauding British, with a bit of help from his Free State friend President Steyn, without also being held personally responsible for every zebra that ever got shot.

The conservation story is more complicated than the slogan. Wildlife had already been devastated by hunting and disease, including the great rinderpest outbreak the of 1890s. Kruger did eventually proclaim the Sabi Game Reserve in 1898, and historians generally agree he was dragged there by public opinion rather than leading it. He was not a tree-hugger. He was a man with a country to run and a war to lose.

So why pick on him? It is a perfectly good name. It has history. It has gravitas. It has a century of tourists mispronouncing it at the gate.

And for the moment, at least, it is staying exactly where it is. The government had to clarify in 2025 that no change to the official name had been authorised or was in progress.

You can imagine the park’s reaction. Nothing. It is a park. It cannot attend a committee meeting. It cannot table a motion. It cannot object to being renamed. It can only stand there while humans discuss it.

THE TREASURE TROVE

Then there is poaching. The park is a conservation triumph, but it is also a frontline in the war against wildlife crime. Rhino poaching has been driven by international criminal networks and demand for horn in East Asian markets, and Kruger has lost an appalling number of animals over the past decade and more.

The syndicates are creative. One operation allegedly used a private helicopter. Another imported pretend hunters, and we use “pretend” generously. The only thing endangered was subtlety.

There have also been documented cases involving insiders, including park employees, and investigations have described corruption linked to criminal syndicates as one of the park’s greatest threats. This is the wildlife equivalent of hiring the fox and giving him a key.

Then there is the home-grown contingent. Busloads arrive, and the authorities at the gates must search the entire area afterwards. Fish vanish from the dams in quantities that suggest a seafood franchise operating out of a cooler box. Small animals disappear into dresses.

A dress, however voluminous, is not an approved carrying permit. A bus is not a fishing trawler. A handbag is not a registered wildlife transport unit. The impala currently consulting lawyers would like everyone to remember that.

THE POLITICIANS (WHO AREN’T THE ENEMIES. PROBABLY.)

Then you have the politicians. We don’t think they are really the enemies of the park. All they want is the name changed. One proposal would rename it after a rest camp, which is a bit like renaming Table Mountain after the car park.

There has been no official renaming, and the government has said no process is under way. But it does raise an interesting question. What would the park say if someone did propose changing its name?

Nothing. It says nothing now. It just stands there being a park while everyone else talks. This is probably why parks are so popular. They don’t have opinions. They don’t write letters. They don’t appear on television. They don’t demand that their names be changed every five minutes.

THE FRIENDS OF THE PARK

It is not all doom and gloom. Far from it.

The park has conservationists doing quiet, unglamorous, thankless work in the heat. It has rangers, scientists and volunteers pulling out things that shouldn’t be growing there and putting back things that should. It has millions of visitors who come, spend, and go home, funding jobs in every guesthouse, petrol station and curio stall for a hundred kilometres in every direction.

That tourism is not a nice extra. It is the financial machinery that keeps the whole system running, and when floods close camps and wash away bridges, the revenue goes with them.

The park is short of nothing except perhaps problems. It has floods. It has droughts. It has poachers. It has enormous distances. It has roads that occasionally disappear under water. And apparently, it has us.

The place is held together by people who care, which is a lovely sentiment and a terrible business model.

HOW BIG IS THE THREAT?

Hard to say. Some of the numbers are very concerning. Others are very concerning and quite funny, which is the only way to cope.

The rivers are being poisoned upstream by illegal mining. The droughts come with floods in between. And the vultures keep dying after feeding on deliberately poisoned carcasses, in incidents that have killed them in their hundreds.

The vultures, naturally, have released a statement. They would like to know why they are always blamed for eating the evidence.

But here is the thing. It is still here. After a hundred years, after wars and droughts and floods and syndicates and helicopter-flying kingpins and politicians and dresses full of fish, the place is still standing.

SO LONG, AND THANKS FOR THE ANIMALS

This is a major milestone. A historic accomplishment. A massive feat. Surviving a hundred years is not nothing. It is everything.

So as Douglas Adams would say, “So long, and thanks for all the fish.”

But here we say it differently.

Thanks to the animals. So long, and thanks for the animals. The leopards, the lions, the buck, the rhinos, the vultures, the crocodiles with the mineral water problem. All of you who make the park viable, and who cannot table a motion, cannot sell a horn, cannot hire a lawyer, and cannot object.

Happy birthday, Kruger. You magnificent, contradictory, hundred-year-old mess.

We hope others will see you at 200. Bring binoculars. And leave the handbag at home.

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LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

Kruger National Park, Centenary Edition. We welcome correspondence from all species, syndicates and syndicated species. Letters may be edited for length, libel and the number of legs involved.

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THE LETTER OF THE WEEK

Sir,

I am writing to express my profound displeasure at being transported in a handbag.

I am an impala. I weigh roughly fifty kilograms. I have four legs, a functioning nervous system, and a strong preference for being outside the handbag.

The handbag in question was a beige faux-leather number with a broken zip. There was no ventilation. There was no legroom. There was, at one point, a hairbrush.

I would like to place on record that I did not consent to this journey. I was not consulted. No one asked whether I had plans that afternoon. I did. I was going to stand near a bush and look alert. That was the whole plan. It was a good plan.

I understand the gentleman in question has been detained. Good. I hope the handbag has been detained as well. It knows what it did.

Furthermore, I object to the phrase “small animal.” I am not small. I am compact. There is a difference, and it is the difference between a description and a slur.

I have retained legal counsel. My counsel is a warthog. He is not licensed, but he is extremely determined, and he has been sharpening his tusks on a fence post for the past three weeks.

I am also seeking damages for emotional distress, loss of dignity, and one (1) hairbrush-related incident I do not wish to discuss further.

Yours, with legs folded,
Bartholomew
Impala, Southern Region
(currently staying with relatives near a waterhole)

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OTHER CORRESPONDENCE

Sir,

I am a fish. I was in a dam. I was happy in the dam. The dam was my home.

Then a bus arrived.

I do not wish to go into detail. I will simply say that the cooler box was not up to standard, the drive was bumpy, and nobody once asked how I was doing.

I have since been returned to the water by a ranger who seemed personally offended by the entire operation. He is my favourite human. I have told all the other fish.

Kevin
Fish (species withheld for privacy), Olifants River

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Dear Editor,

I am a vulture. We are the cleanup crew of the bush. We do not ask for much. We eat what is already dead. We keep the place tidy. We have never once demanded a renaming motion.

And yet. And yet.

The poisoned carcasses keep appearing. Someone is deliberately putting out bait to kill us. Why? What did we do? We are bald and we eat leftovers. We are not a threat to anyone. We are, if anything, a public service.

I would like someone to explain the business model here. I have time. I am a vulture. I can wait. That is literally what I do.

Margaret
Cape Vulture, Shingwedzi area
(writing on behalf of a great many colleagues who cannot write because they are deceased)

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Sir,

I am a crocodile in the Olifants River. I am writing to complain about the water. Not the drought. The minerals.

I have been absorbing mercury, cyanide, arsenic and various petroleum-based compounds for some years now, courtesy of illegal gold mining upstream. I did not ask for this. I am a crocodile. My ambitions were modest. Float. Eat. Look prehistoric. That was the whole career path.

Now I glow faintly at dusk and a skincare company has been in touch.

I want it noted that I am not a spa. I am not a wellness destination. I am not a “mineral-rich experience.” I am a large reptile with a headache and a grievance.

Kindly fix the river.

Unnamed (because everyone knows who I am)
Crocodile, Olifants River

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Dear Sir,

I am an invasive alien plant. I would like to thank the park for the excellent growing conditions and for the volunteers who, despite their best efforts, keep missing bits of me.

I am told I am one of the hundred worst invasive species in the world. I have this framed.

Water Hyacinth
(name and address withheld; I am everywhere anyway)

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Sir,

As a politician, I wish to clarify that I am not an enemy of the park.

I am merely a person who would like the signboard changed. That is all. A signboard. A small administrative matter. A minor typographical adjustment at the entrance gate.

I have been told the park has unfilled ranger posts, a budget problem, rhino poaching, rivers full of things that should not be in rivers, and a vulture crisis.

I have considered all of this carefully and I still think the signboard is the issue.

Respectfully, and no further comment,
A Concerned Representative
(name withheld pending a committee decision on whether to withhold it)

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Sir,

I am a rhino named Gerald. I have already spoken to your reporter. I said we are not a buffet and I stand by it. I would only like to add that I have since formed a union.

We have three members. We had four last year.

Membership is open. Please hurry.

Gerald
Rhino, location undisclosed for obvious reasons

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Sir,

I am an elephant. I have been told the Kruger is 100 years old. This seems very young.

I have watched humans come and go for generations. They build roads. They build bridges. The rivers wash the bridges away. They build them again. Then they hold meetings.

I have never held a meeting. I simply walk around the bridge.

An Elephant
No further identification necessary. You know who I am.

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Editor’s note: no impalas were harmed in the making of this letters page, though one came very close and is still a bit jumpy about it. The animals have been asked to stop writing until after the centenary celebrations. They have refused.

Note on terminology: This article uses “irregular migration” where the legal distinction matters — particularly in relation to asylum seekers, whose status is not necessarily determined at the point of arrival — and “illegal immigration” where it refers specifically to unlawful entry or residence.

Illegal immigration has become a polarising force for governments, especially in Europe. Germany and Italy are experiencing a move towards the right, with immigration and border control among the issues driving political change. It is understandable that there have been protests against illegal immigration. Communities, whatever their size, have seen their demographic profile and culture change, while schools, hospitals and other public services have come under greater pressure. There was a time when there was a softening stance towards irregular migration, but that has changed as voters have registered its impact on their communities and cultural life.

In Sweden, a strong line has been taken against irregular migration, with the government actively encouraging and facilitating the return of people who have no right to remain. The burden on receiving countries has become so significant that, in some instances, governments are offering financial incentives to encourage people to return to their countries of origin. The deeper problem, however, is that many sending countries have been unable to create the economic and political conditions that would reduce the incentive to leave. In some cases, these are countries with weak institutions, fragile economies or persistent conflict.

For many irregular migrants, the motivation is not easily divided between political asylum and economic survival. The two are often intertwined. They may be fleeing persecution or conflict while also seeking access to jobs, education and health services. This overlap places particular pressure on asylum systems designed primarily to protect people fleeing persecution rather than to manage large-scale economic migration.

There is also a question about how receiving countries’ financial support to sending and transit countries is used. Money intended to strengthen borders, improve migration management or address the underlying causes of migration does not always produce the results expected of it. Weak institutions, corruption and poor implementation can undermine programmes intended to reduce irregular migration.

The United Kingdom has dealt with irregular migration for decades. Prime Minister Andy Burnham has placed quality of life and regional economic development among his priorities, while his government has also pursued tighter migration controls. The emphasis on quality of life can be read as an attempt to reassure voters that the government understands the social consequences of continued irregular migration. The political challenge is to reconcile that concern with the continuing demand for labour and the humanitarian obligations attached to the asylum system.

The American situation has been much publicised. Illegal immigration is substantial, which is why the current government is trying to stem flows across the southern border and from other regions. The United States is one of a relatively small number of countries that have become magnets for migrants because of their economic opportunities, political stability and established communities. The countries from which migrants come vary widely, and not all can be characterised as failed states.

South Africa is vulnerable to irregular immigration because the government has struggled to match immigration policy with effective enforcement. Policies and their execution have not always been fully aligned. The result has been decades of migration from neighbouring countries, particularly Zimbabwe and Malawi, through a mixture of regular, irregular and asylum channels.

Illegal immigration has become such a politically charged issue that the March and March movement organised a major protest on 30 June 2026. The demonstrations were accompanied by demands for the removal of undocumented migrants and came after months of anti-migrant unrest, including violence, deaths and displacement. March and March has proposed another march for 30 September 2026. The protests have forced immigration further into the political debate, but they have also demonstrated the dangers of allowing immigration enforcement to move from the state into the hands of private citizens.

The South African situation exposes a serious failure of state capacity. Many ordinary citizens feel that their access to schools, hospitals, housing and other public services is being compromised, while unemployment and poverty remain exceptionally high. The government has announced various enforcement measures, but public confidence in the implementation of immigration policy remains low. The timing is also politically sensitive, with local government elections approaching and political parties facing the difficult task of addressing public frustration without inflaming xenophobia.

The opposition parties have not, for the most part, built their political strategies primarily around immigration. That has left space for movements outside the established party system to frame the issue in increasingly forceful terms.

The European Reckoning

The scale of the political shift is remarkable. In Germany, the Alternative for Germany won 43.8 percent of the vote in Saxony-Anhalt’s September 2026 state election, securing 39 of 83 seats and falling just short of an outright majority. Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s Christian Democratic Union won 17.2 percent, its worst result in the state. The AfD’s result was more than double its 2021 showing. The AfD’s regional branch has been classified as a proven right-wing extremist organisation by the state’s domestic intelligence service. The result represents a historic breakthrough for the German far right and has put the country’s long-standing political firewall under severe pressure.

The significance extends beyond the result itself. Germany’s postwar political system has long relied on the refusal of mainstream parties to cooperate with the far right. The AfD’s advance is testing that arrangement as never before. The party still faces a political barrier to forming a government, but its electoral strength means that immigration, security and the wider question of national identity can no longer be treated as marginal issues.

Italy has pioneered what can be called a bifurcated migration system. On one side is a highly visible, restrictive asylum regime — extended detention, tighter family reunification rules and measures aimed at preventing irregular arrivals. The flagship initiative is the Albania protocol: offshore processing centres where asylum claims can be handled before people who have no right to remain are potentially returned. The EU’s new return framework, agreed in June 2026, allows member states to establish return hubs in third countries, following the logic of the Italian experiment.

Yet Italy simultaneously operates a substantial legal labour-migration programme. Its decreto flussi for 2026–2028 provides for 497,550 non-EU worker entries over the three years, with labour sought in sectors including care, agriculture, hospitality and construction.

The Italian case suggests a political logic in which visible disorder is penalised while less visible labour migration is tolerated. The result may be a system that signals control while depending on the migration it publicly seeks to restrict. The contradiction is likely to become more pronounced as Italy’s ageing population and labour shortages increase.

Sweden represents perhaps the most dramatic policy reversal. It took in about 163,000 asylum seekers in 2015, the highest number per capita in the European Union. By 2025, that number had fallen sharply. The government, backed in parliament by the Sweden Democrats, now offers substantial financial grants to encourage voluntary repatriation. From 1 January 2026, the repatriation grant amounts to SEK350,000 per adult and SEK25,000 per child, with a maximum joint grant of SEK500,000 for a married or cohabiting couple.

The scheme’s practical effect has so far been modest. Only 171 people had accepted the offer by September 2026, reinforcing the argument that its political signalling may be more important than its numerical impact.

The South African Anomaly

South Africa presents a different configuration. There is no AfD, no Rassemblement National, no party of the European radical right. The African National Congress remains dominant, and opposition parties have not organised primarily around immigration. Yet the March and March movement has filled a vacuum that political parties have left open, staging major anti-illegal-immigration demonstrations and forcing immigration onto the political agenda.

This is the comparative insight South Africa offers. The immigration backlash does not necessarily have to produce a successful political party before it changes government behaviour. Movements outside the political establishment can occupy the space that conventional politics leaves unattended, forcing the state to respond even without a party vehicle. Where the state loses credibility on borders, someone else claims the issue — and the consequences can extend well beyond domestic politics.

The movement insists it is not xenophobic, arguing that its campaign targets illegal immigration rather than race or nationality. It demands audits of trading licences, asylum-seeker visas and business permits across all nationalities. Critics point out that the visible targets are overwhelmingly poor black Africans, and that the rhetoric surrounding the “cleaning” of streets has a long and sometimes violent lineage in South Africa.

The protests have also demonstrated the danger of allowing immigration enforcement to move from the state into the hands of private citizens. South African authorities have warned that members of the public have no right to demand documentation or proof of nationality from other people. Incidents surrounding the June protests included looting, intimidation and attacks on foreign-owned businesses. At least four people had died in the wider unrest surrounding the anti-migrant mobilisation, according to Reuters.

The movement’s actions have forced the government to respond, but they have also exposed a deeper reality: weaknesses in South Africa’s immigration enforcement, particularly in the administration of documentation and border controls, have created the conditions for vigilante politics.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has condemned xenophobia while simultaneously moving towards tougher enforcement. The government has announced measures including faster processing and verification of undocumented foreign nationals, more efficient deportation procedures and greater enforcement at border posts. The state has also emphasised that immigration enforcement is its responsibility, not that of private groups.

The scale of the enforcement effort has increased. Between 1 April and 31 July 2026, 18,816 people were formally deported, while 3,016 undocumented foreign nationals were awaiting deportation at the Lindela Repatriation Centre. Between 14 June and 20 August, authorities processed 86,596 foreign nationals for deportation or repatriation through coordinated law-enforcement operations. Cumulatively, deportations over the two financial years rose by 46 percent, reaching 109,344 by 31 March 2026.

The deeper parallel with Europe is economic. In both cases, immigration has become the visible symptom of a deeper failure: the state’s inability to deliver security, services and dignity to its citizens. Europe’s far right offers reversal. South Africa’s March and March offers expulsion. Neither addresses all of the structural conditions that produced the anger.

The True Drivers of Migration

The nationalities dominating irregular arrivals in Europe and the United Kingdom are not random. Many come from countries where conflict, repression, economic collapse or weak governance have made life difficult or dangerous.

In Europe, the principal nationalities vary by migration route. The pattern includes people from countries such as Bangladesh, Eritrea, Egypt, Afghanistan, Sudan, Syria and Somalia. Asylum applications have also included substantial numbers of Venezuelans, Afghans and Syrians.

The UK’s small-boat crossings reached 41,472 people in 2025, the second-highest annual figure on record after 45,774 in 2022. The five most common nationalities among small-boat arrivals were Eritrean, Afghan, Iranian, Sudanese and Somali.

The cordon sanitaire that once isolated anti-immigration parties is gone. What replaces it will define politics for a generation. The question is not whether the right will shape migration policy — it already does — but whether it can govern while confronting the contradictions its policies create.

The evidence points to a consistent set of push factors that border enforcement alone cannot address: conflict and political repression, economic collapse and weak labour markets, governance failure and, increasingly, climate shocks.

Political analysts also point to governments whose leaders refuse to relinquish power, weakening democratic accountability and economic reform. Where economic opportunity is scarce, political accountability weak and conflict persistent, the incentive to leave becomes stronger. But the relationship is not linear. Economic development can itself increase migration in the short term by giving more people the means to travel.

Much of the research suggests that tougher border controls can divert migration routes rather than eliminate migration altogether. When one corridor is closed, smugglers adapt, and migrants may be pushed towards longer and more dangerous journeys.

Crucially, the asylum system is being stretched because legal labour-migration pathways available to people from many of these countries are small relative to demand. When the only door left open is the asylum door, people will use it — regardless of whether their primary motivation is political persecution, economic survival or a combination of the two.

The Dependency Dividend

The most uncomfortable truth about the global migration system is that sending countries are not passive victims of forces beyond their control. They can become, whether by design or by default, beneficiaries of a system that reduces some of the immediate pressure to solve domestic economic and governance problems.

The scale of remittance dependency in some major sending countries is substantial. Tajikistan’s remittances equalled 47.89 percent of GDP in 2024, among the highest proportions in the world. Nepal’s remittances reached 26.23 percent of GDP, while Bangladesh’s accounted for 6.11 percent.

The more difficult question is whether high remittance dependence can reduce the pressure for governments to undertake difficult structural reforms. In some economies, remittances sustain household consumption and reduce poverty, but they can also reinforce an economic model in which young people are prepared to leave rather than to create businesses and employment at home.

This can create a cycle: weak domestic economies encourage emigration; emigration generates remittances; remittances support households and foreign-exchange earnings; and the resulting income can reduce some of the immediate political pressure for domestic reform. Countries may gradually come to rely on exporting labour rather than creating enough productive employment for that labour at home.

This dependency is compounded by direct payments from receiving countries to origin and transit states for migration management. These arrangements are extensive and growing. The EU’s €7.4 billion partnership with Egypt for 2024–2027 includes €200 million for migration management. Similar arrangements have been made or negotiated with other origin and transit countries.

These arrangements create a difficult political bargain. Receiving countries want governments in origin and transit countries to contain migration, while those governments have an incentive to use their strategic position to obtain financial and political concessions.

The evidence on the effectiveness of some of these programmes is troubling. The European Court of Auditors examined the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa and found that 33 of the 115 investments it examined were no longer operational, while another 66 risked becoming unsustainable. The audit also identified problems including unused equipment, failures by local authorities to comply with agreements and weaknesses in the sustainability of funded projects.

The findings raise a more fundamental question: whether money intended to address the drivers of migration is reaching the institutions capable of using it effectively.

The Contradiction at the Heart of the System

The most striking feature of the global migration system is its economic incoherence. Europe’s demographic clock is ticking. The EU is ageing rapidly, while its working-age population is contracting. Germany faces significant labour shortages. Italy’s population has stabilised after years of decline largely because net migration has offset its natural population loss.

Yet the political incentives push in the opposite direction. Governments tighten asylum while expanding legal labour migration, a contradiction that satisfies neither restrictionists nor businesses.

If far-right parties gain power and actually implement mass deportations, they will collide with economic reality. If they moderate their policies, they risk alienating their political base. But even symbolic policies have real effects: they may signal to immigrants that they are unwanted, with consequences for integration and social cohesion.

The result may be a system in which irregular migration acts as a pressure valve for failing or fragile states, allowing governments to export some of their economic and governance problems rather than addressing them. Too little of the money flowing from receiving to sending countries is necessarily being converted into productive capacity. Much of it is directed towards managing the consequences of weak development, weak institutions and weak borders.

And the people who suffer most are not necessarily the receiving countries’ taxpayers, or the governments of sending countries. They are often the migrants themselves — caught between governments that depend on their departure and receiving countries that increasingly resent their arrival.

A Reckoning Deferred

For receiving countries, the challenge is to reclaim credibility on borders without abandoning the economic and humanitarian realities that make migration necessary. That means distinguishing between people who have a legal right to remain, those who do not, and those who need workable legal routes into labour markets.

For sending countries, the challenge is to break the cycle of dependency that can make labour export a substitute for development. Remittances can support households and economies, but they cannot substitute indefinitely for functioning institutions, productive investment and domestic employment.

For the international system, the challenge is to create legal migration pathways that reflect the scale of global demand rather than forcing desperate people into an asylum system never designed to handle large-scale economic migration.

Until these challenges are addressed, the political earthquake will continue. Communities will continue to change. Public services will continue to strain. And voters will continue to punish those they hold responsible.

The migration reckoning is not coming.

It is already here.

Sources

• Reuters, reporting on the Saxony-Anhalt state election and the AfD’s 43.8 percent result, September 2026.

• The Guardian, reporting on the Saxony-Anhalt election, September 2026.

• Associated Press, reporting on the AfD’s historic victory in Saxony-Anhalt, September 2026.

• Reuters, “As election looms, Sweden’s government is paying immigrants to leave,” 8 September 2026.

• Swedish Migration Agency, information on the increased repatriation grant, 2026.

• UK Home Office, Immigration System Statistics: How many people come to the UK via illegal entry routes?, February 2026.

• Italian Decreto Flussi 2026–2028, providing for 497,550 non-EU worker entries over three years.

• Council of the European Union, agreement on the EU return framework, June 2026.

• European Court of Auditors, Special Report 17/2024: The EU Trust Fund for Africa.

• European Commission, EU–Egypt Strategic and Comprehensive Partnership, 2024–2027.

• World Bank data, remittances as a percentage of GDP.

• South African Government, Home Affairs, “Deportations rise over two financial years,” April 2026.

• South African Government / Border Management Authority, migration-enforcement updates, 2026.

• Reuters, “South Africa’s anti-migrant protesters march nationwide, after thousands flee violence,” 30 June 2026.

• Swedish Migration Agency, “Ten years since 2015 – what happened?”, October 2025.

• ISTAT, Demographic Indicators – Year 2025, 2026.

Financial News Daily – Friday Wrap | Week ending 11 September 2026

South Africa’s economy continues to trudge along at a snail’s pace. GDP contracted by 0.2% in the second quarter, ending six consecutive quarters of growth. It raises an already familiar question back into focus: how can a country with so many evident economic problems continue to perform so poorly?

There are plenty of explanations, from weak investment and infrastructure constraints to high borrowing costs and rising input prices. But economics is not the only area in which governments are being judged on whether they are dealing with problems that are increasingly difficult to ignore.

Germany and Italy provided an interesting political comparison this week. Immigration has become a major issue in both countries and has helped propel right-wing parties to greater influence. In Germany, the AfD has built much of its support around opposition to immigration. Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who leads a right-wing government, has also spoken openly about the pressures created by immigration.

What struck me was not simply the politics of immigration, but the warning Meloni gave about the consequences of weak or failed policies associated with the left. When governments appear unwilling or unable to deal with problems that voters can see for themselves, political support can shift in unexpected directions.

South Africa has its own version of this problem. Immigration has largely been left to activist groups and public debate while large-scale immigration has continued for years. Government statements about access to hospitals and other public services have often seemed disconnected from the practical consequences of overcrowding and pressure on already stretched resources.

Immigration is only one example. The same question applies to many of South Africa’s problems: when government does not deal with them effectively, who eventually pays the price?

Anyway, on to business.

Business Briefs

Standard Bank Group — Record interim results allowed the bank to return R14 billion to shareholders in interim dividends.

Absa Group — The bank declared a cash dividend of R7 billion for the reporting period, reflecting continued profitability despite a difficult economy.

Discovery — Annual operating profit rose 17% to R17.75 billion, with Discovery Bank moving into a R370 million profit.

Pan African Resources — The gold producer expects full-year earnings to more than double, helped by higher production and an average gold price of $4,235 an ounce.

Harmony Gold — Net profit more than doubled to R29.5 billion for the year, while shareholders received a total dividend of R12.80 a share.

Anheuser-Busch InBev — Beer volumes increased 1.1% in the second quarter, while underlying earnings per share rose 23.4%.

Inflation — Consumer inflation rose to 4.3% in July. The Reserve Bank’s Monetary Policy Committee meets on 23 September, with the repo rate currently at 7%.

Fuel — Petrol rose by R1.29 a litre on 2 September, while diesel increased by as much as R3.15 as higher international oil prices fed through to the pump.

GDP — The economy contracted 0.2% in the second quarter, ending six consecutive quarters of growth and underlining just how little momentum there is in the economy.

Markets and oil — Global markets remained volatile as Brent crude moved above $100 a barrel amid renewed geopolitical tensions in the Middle East.

Around the world

US Federal Reserve — Investors continued to assess the outlook for US interest rates as softer inflation pressures compete with renewed concerns about energy prices.

Oil — Brent crude pushed above $100 a barrel as geopolitical tensions in the Middle East raised fresh concerns about global energy supplies.

Global markets — Equity markets remained volatile as investors weighed interest-rate expectations against rising energy costs and geopolitical risk.

Birthdays

Rock musicians

Joe Strummer (1952) — Co-founder and frontman of punk rock band The Clash.

Glenn Hughes (1951) — Bassist and vocalist best known for his work with Deep Purple and Black Country Communion.

Kim Shattuck (1963) — Singer, guitarist and songwriter best known as the frontwoman of The Muffs.

Authors

Ray Bradbury (1920) — American science-fiction writer whose best-known works include Fahrenheit 451 and The Martian Chronicles.

Emilio Salgari (1862) — Italian adventure novelist and creator of the fictional character Sandokan.

Xavier de Maistre (1763) — French writer known for A Journey Around My Room.

Light relief

I told my accountant that I wanted to start a business making metre sticks. He said, “That’s a good idea, but it’s going to be a long-term investment.”

Why did the banker become a gardener? He wanted to improve his cash flow and grow his assets.

Why don’t scientists trust atoms? Because they make up everything.

Weird and wonderful

Wombats — They are the only known animals that produce cube-shaped droppings, which help prevent them from rolling away when marking their territory.

Spider silk — A strand of spider silk can be stronger than a steel wire of the same thickness.

Deep thought

“The heaviest burden is not what we carry in our hands, but what we refuse to set down in our hearts.”

Friday quiz

Question: What is the only country in South America where Portuguese is the official language?

Answer: Brazil.

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Editorial Disclosure & Disclaimer

Financial News Daily is an independent business news syndicate and a wholly owned subsidiary of Idea Accelerator. We publish financial, environmental and corporate commentary for digital platforms, media outlets and organisations. Nothing published here constitutes investment, legal or financial advice. All opinions are editorial commentary on matters of public and economic interest.

Oil has crossed $100 a barrel again. That is bad news for anyone who drives a car, but it is also a warning to businesses already struggling with rising costs.

Brent crude, the international oil benchmark, rose above $100 on Wednesday as the war between the United States and Iran escalated. Attacks on tankers and renewed disruption to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz have raised fears about the supply of oil to the world.

The question is how long this will last. Nobody seems able to give a convincing answer.

The price at the pump

I was struck the other day by reports of Americans complaining about the price of petrol. And this is so despite American be America being a major oil producer and with much lower taxes on fuel than in South Africa.

It is a reminder that the oil price is not some distant figure on a financial news screen. It follows you to the petrol pump.

If you drive to work, take the children to school, visit family or go shopping, you feel it. If you fly somewhere, you pay for it in the price of your airline ticket.

For business, the effect is even wider. Oil is used in mining, manufacturing, agriculture and transport. It is built into the cost of moving goods, running machinery and getting products to market. When the price rises, the pressure does not stop at the fuel station.

A war with a long bill

The latest escalation has made the situation worse. The United States says it has destroyed five Iranian oil tankers. Iran has responded with attacks on shipping and military targets. The Strait of Hormuz, through which a substantial share of the world’s oil and gas normally passes, has been severely disrupted.

This is the sort of uncertainty that makes oil traders nervous. It is not simply a question of how much oil is being produced. It is whether it can get to the people and businesses that need it.

And then there is the environmental cost.

I saw reports of a large oil tanker sinking after an attack. It made me think about the crude oil that may have entered the sea. The reports have not established the full environmental impact, but the possibility is disturbing.

War has a way of making people think about the immediate damage: the ships, the buildings, the lives lost. The pollution can be harder to see. But it does not disappear because the fighting moves on.

The cost of carrying on

For those of us who depend on petrol or diesel vehicles, the practical response is to cut back where possible.

I have been trying to combine shopping into one or two trips a week. I have also cut back on trips into Cape Town. A journey there and back is expensive these days.

The same applies to businesses. A delivery costs more. A service call costs more. A restaurant has to pay more to get supplies. The customer eventually pays.

No easy way out

The oil price is also a reminder of how exposed the world economy remains to events far beyond its control.

The war has already disrupted oil flows and raised fears of a wider supply shortage. Analysts are warning that prices could rise further if the disruption continues.

The American president’s approach to foreign affairs has added another layer of uncertainty. It is difficult to see where the war ends when the parties remain locked in a cycle of attack and retaliation.

For now, the oil price is telling us what the market thinks: the risks are rising.

Grin and bear it?

Carrying on under these circumstances is very difficult.

When you go to the petrol pump, you pay more. When you go to the supermarket, you pay more. When you buy a drink or eat a meal at a restaurant, you pay more. Restaurants have hiked their prices. Businesses have to recover their costs. And the experts are not even able to predict when the world price will come down.

So what can we do?

For the individual, it is a case of cutting back where possible. Fewer trips. More careful shopping. Perhaps a little less spending on things that can wait.

For business, it means watching costs closely and trying to avoid passing every increase on to the customer.

But there is a limit to how much cutting back can be done.

The oil price is back at $100 a barrel. The war continues. The shipping routes remain uncertain. And the bill is coming our way.

For now, it is a case of grin and bear it.

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Editorial Disclosure & Disclaimer

Financial News Daily is an independent business news syndicate and a wholly owned subsidiary of Idea Accelerator. We publish financial, environmental and corporate commentary for digital platforms, media outlets and organisations. Nothing published here constitutes investment, legal or financial advice. All opinions are editorial commentary on matters of public and economic interest.

Access to water remains one of South Africa’s most challenging and controversial issues. In 2026, the country still faces serious problems in delivering this basic resource, especially to poor communities and, most acutely, the rural poor.

Looked at through a human rights lens, the reality is stark. The Constitution recognises the right of everyone to have access to sufficient water. Yet the country is falling far short of that promise. People suffer as a result.

The problem is not simply a shortage of water. It is also a problem of competing demands, failing infrastructure and the ability of the state to deliver what it has promised.

A Nation of Competing Demands

Water is needed everywhere. Eskom requires it to keep the energy system operating. Mining is a major consumer. Agriculture is the biggest user of water in the country.

That creates a difficult dilemma. If agriculture does not have access to water, crops fail, food production suffers and people can go hungry. Yet poor communities cannot be expected to accept that their basic needs must always come second.

The question is how to balance these competing demands when the resource itself is under pressure.

Climate forecasts pointing to another El Niño cycle add to the uncertainty. South Africa has already experienced the damaging effects of drought on agriculture. Farmers have seen production collapse, and relief has had to be provided to help them survive.

If conditions deteriorate again, the pressure on water supplies will increase.

The Shame of Water That Never Reaches People

One of the most disturbing aspects of South Africa’s water crisis is that so much of the water already available never reaches the people who need it.

Published figures have put the loss of treated water through leaks and failing systems at almost half of the total in some areas. That is a national disgrace.

Residents of Johannesburg know the problem. Water interruptions have become a regular part of life for many communities.

But make no mistake: Cape Town has its own infrastructure problems. Old pipes burst. Water is lost. Repairs take time. Other cities face similar challenges.

The problem is that municipalities often do not have the money to build new infrastructure or rebuild the systems that have been allowed to deteriorate. They are left trying to keep failing networks operating rather than investing in the infrastructure needed for the future.

That is not a sustainable way to manage a resource as important as water.

The Limits of Good Intentions

Many local and international NGOs are trying to help. They provide emergency water supplies, assist communities and help people who would otherwise have little or no access to water.

Their work is important. In some cases, it is lifesaving.

But it cannot solve a national infrastructure crisis.

The scale of the problem is simply too great. No matter how committed these organisations are, they cannot replace the responsibility of the state to provide reliable water services.

South Africa needs to recognise that emergency assistance is not the same as a functioning water system.

A Legacy Under Pressure

The country can, however, be grateful to the people who built its bulk water infrastructure.

The large dams, river systems and inter-basin transfer schemes are among the great engineering achievements of the country’s past. They made it possible for cities, industries and farms to develop.

New infrastructure is still being built. The Lesotho Highlands Water Project is one example. But these projects take years to complete. They cannot provide instant relief to communities facing shortages today.

The challenge is to maintain the infrastructure already in place while building what the country will need in the future.

The Data-Centre Dilemma

The water debate has taken on a new dimension with the arrival of large data centres.

Cape Town’s success as a technology and investment destination has attracted international data-centre operators. These facilities can bring investment, jobs and economic activity.

But they also require water for cooling.

That has led to criticism of proposed data centres near Cape Town International Airport. NGOs and residents have questioned whether the use of large volumes of water for these facilities can be justified when so many people still struggle to obtain a reliable supply.

It is a difficult argument to resolve.

South Africa needs investment. It needs jobs. Unemployment remains well above 30%, and the country cannot afford to turn away every new economic opportunity.

But it also needs to ensure that development does not come at the expense of basic human needs.

The question is not whether data centres should be allowed. It is whether their water requirements can be reconciled with the needs of the communities around them.

A Privilege That Cannot Be Taken for Granted

For many people who have a tap in their home, access to water is something they take for granted.

That may change.

If water becomes scarcer, domestic consumption may have to be curtailed. South Africans may once again be asked to use less water, as they were during previous droughts.

Some will argue that the country has already learned to conserve water. That may be true. But conservation alone cannot solve the problem.

A growing population, failing infrastructure and competing demands from agriculture, mining, energy and industry will continue to place pressure on the country’s water resources.

The real challenge is to ensure that access to water is not determined by where a person lives, how much money they have or whether their municipality can afford to repair a broken pipe.

Water is a basic human need. It is also the foundation of a functioning economy.

South Africa cannot afford to lose sight of either.

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Editorial Disclosure & Disclaimer

Financial News Daily is an independent business news syndicate and a wholly owned subsidiary of Idea Accelerator. We publish financial, environmental and corporate commentary for digital platforms, media outlets and organisations. Nothing published here constitutes investment, legal or financial advice. All opinions are editorial commentary on matters of public and economic interest.

WhatsApp has become the main communication service in many countries, and especially so in South Africa. Now the industry watchdog has placed Netflix and WhatsApp under scrutiny in a recent announcement.

The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) has announced two inquiries. One will examine the impact of over-the-top services, including Netflix and WhatsApp, on consumers and the communications, broadcasting and postal sectors. The other will investigate the affordability of telecommunications services.

The announcement is welcome. But it raises a larger question: why does it take another inquiry to establish what South Africans already know? Communication is expensive.

WhatsApp is useful. The cost of using it used to be reasonable. But as data prices rise, and the app acquires more functions, the cost of staying connected becomes harder to ignore. The company says WhatsApp is free, but data charges may apply. For many South Africans, that distinction is not a small one.

The decline of the traditional landline has made the cellphone indispensable. WhatsApp has filled much of the gap. It allows people to communicate, form groups, conduct business and stay in touch with family. In rural areas, where access to services can be limited, that is particularly important.

WhatsApp is no longer simply a messaging app. It has become part of the country’s social and economic infrastructure.

That is why its cost matters.

The app was founded in 2009 by Jan Koum and Brian Acton. Koum was born in Ukraine and emigrated to the United States as a teenager. Acton is American. They had both worked at Yahoo before starting WhatsApp. In 2014, Facebook acquired the company for about $19bn.

The acquisition changed the scale of the business. WhatsApp joined a company whose business model is built around advertising and the collection of data. Facebook has since become Meta, and WhatsApp now sits alongside Facebook, Instagram and Threads.

The change is not simply a matter of ownership. It is a change in the way technology companies operate.

The more functions an app offers, the more data it can consume. Images, videos, voice messages, video calls and other features all use data. Artificial intelligence adds another layer of complexity. For people who rely on WhatsApp for everyday communication, the cost is not always obvious until the data bundle runs out.

And then there is the advertising.

Facebook, Instagram and Threads are increasingly commercial platforms. Much of what users see is either an advertisement or information designed to look like something else. The distinction between content and advertising has become increasingly blurred.

Many people have already given up on Facebook, not only because of the constant stream of messages and notifications, but because the platform no longer seems to meet their needs. It is still useful for keeping in touch with old friends and occasionally seeing what they are doing. But much of the content has become advertising, or information thinly disguised as advertising.

Instagram is another example. For people who post photographs or art, it can be difficult to get noticed. The platform is so crowded that it is increasingly difficult to reach an audience without paying for promotion.

But WhatsApp remains different.

It is still a service that people use because they need it. It is where people arrange meetings, run businesses, share information and keep in touch with family. That makes it particularly important in a country where communication costs remain high.

The latest ICASA announcement is therefore welcome. But it is important to understand what it means.

The regulator has not announced that WhatsApp is charging too much, nor has it decided that the company must reduce its prices. The inquiry will examine the impact of over-the-top services and the cost of telecommunications more broadly. It is a process of investigation, not a decision that prices will come down.

And that brings us to the bigger issue.

If the government is serious about making communication more affordable, it needs to look beyond WhatsApp. It needs to examine the cost of data, the cost of voice calls and the way the telecommunications market operates.

The country’s major operators include MTN, Vodacom, Telkom and Cell C. They are the companies that provide the networks on which services such as WhatsApp depend.

The cost of making a cellular call is another matter that deserves attention. Many people now dread making a call because of the expense. A few minutes of conversation can cost more than expected, especially for those who rely on prepaid services.

And then there is the question of data expiry.

South Africans have long complained about buying data bundles that expire before they can be used. Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Trade, Industry and Competition raised the issue with the National Consumer Commission, ICASA and the Competition Commission in September 2025. The committee questioned whether data expiry practices were consistent with the Consumer Protection Act.

That is an important issue because data is not free. People pay for it. If they do not use it before the expiry date, they lose it. That is not a trivial matter for households already under financial pressure.

The government has indicated that new rules on data expiry are expected from January 2027. But consumers will want to know whether the rules will be effective, and whether the big companies will find ways around them.

The telecommunications industry has also been pushing for over-the-top services to contribute to the cost of network infrastructure. The Association of Communications and Technology, which represents major players in the sector, has called for “fair share” or “fair contribution” arrangements.

That is another reason why the latest inquiry matters. The question is not simply whether WhatsApp is expensive. It is whether the current structure of the communications market is fair to consumers.

The answer should not be to make WhatsApp more expensive. It should be to make communication more affordable.

South Africa needs affordable data. It needs affordable voice calls. It needs reliable networks. And it needs a regulatory system that ensures that the benefits of digital communication reach the people who need them most.

WhatsApp has become too important to the country to be treated as just another app. It is a vital part of the communications system.

The government has now opened the door to another inquiry. Let’s see whether this one produces something more than another report.

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Editorial Disclosure & Disclaimer

Financial News Daily is an independent business news syndicate and a wholly owned subsidiary of Idea Accelerator. We publish financial, environmental and corporate commentary for digital platforms, media outlets and organisations. Nothing published here constitutes investment, legal or financial advice. All opinions are editorial commentary on matters of public and economic interest.

Monday Morning Reckoning

Hotel groups across South Africa are capitalizing on a strong rebound in foreign arrivals and sustained domestic demand, though operational gains remain mixed across the sector.

South Africa welcomed 5.58 million international tourists during the first half of 2026—a 12.3% year-on-year increase driven by strong momentum from both African and long-haul overseas source markets.

Higher arrivals continue to support improved room occupancy, conference activity, and food-and-beverage revenue. Data for the second quarter of 2026 shows a 2.1% quarterly increase in hotel accommodation income and a 3.6% total year-on-year rise across the broader sector. However, operators face a sticky competitive environment: average income per stay-unit night slipped 0.2% in June, signaling that pricing power remains constrained and groups are relying heavily on disciplined cost management to defend operating margins.

Sun International exemplifies this evolving market dynamic. While its casino and digital gaming units continue to drive the bulk of group earnings, its hotel division has posted a clear operational recovery. Domestic South African hotel occupancy rose to 64.3% (up from 61.9%), pushing total rooms revenue to R4.6 billion alongside a 5% increase in average room rates to R1,505. Conversely, its offshore operations faced headwind pressures from a stronger rand, leaving international hotel occupancy lagging at 39.5%.

For industry peers like Southern Sun and City Lodge, the broader takeaway remains constant: rising tourist numbers provide a welcome growth buffer, but long-term profitability hinges on managing input inflation, optimizing market mix, and sustaining local leisure demand.

Financial Indicators & Market Benchmarks

• JSE All Share Index (Opening): Sitting near ~116,725 points after a strong precious metals rally.
• NASDAQ (Opening): Closed today in observance of the U.S. Labor Day holiday.
• FTSE 100 (Opening): Opening around ~10,789 points.
• DAX (Opening): Hovering around ~18,420 points.
• Nikkei 225 (Opening): Trading around ~38,680 points.
• Rand Exchange Rates:
  • USD / ZAR: ~R15.95
  • GBP / ZAR: ~R21.05
  • EUR / ZAR: ~R17.65
• South African Diesel Prices (Effective September 2026):
  • 0.05% Sulphur Diesel: Wholesale inland price sits at ~R29.85/L following a massive R2.94/L hike on September 2.
  • 0.005% Sulphur Diesel: Wholesale inland price breached the R30 mark, rising R3.15/L to ~R30.25/L.
  • Forthcoming Price Changes: Prices remain static this week; the next monthly adjustment from the Department of Mineral and Petroleum Resources takes effect in early October.

JSE Earnings & Dividend Calendar

• Sun International: Reporting its 1H26 interim financial results today for the period ended 30 June 2026, targeting top-line revenue growth of roughly 6% alongside its dividend declaration.
• Grindrod Limited & Sabvest Capital: Reaching their last day to trade cum-dividend on Tuesday, September 8.
• Standard Bank Group, Gold Fields, DRDGOLD, AdvTech, and Italtile: Processing major dividend payouts to qualifying shareholders throughout the week.

Macro Trends, Sector Developments & Events

• Economy & Labor: Trade unions including the Public Servants Association (PSA) are demanding immediate tax relief and fuel levy restructuring following September’s steep energy price hikes.
• Chambers of Commerce & Logistics: Regional business chambers are convening strategy roundtables focused on port efficiency updates at Transnet facilities and municipal infrastructure billing.
• Agriculture & Transport: Grain and livestock producers face severe transport cost inflation following the R3+/L diesel price surge, keeping food value chain margins under scrutiny.
• Arts & Creative Economy: Cultural groups, independent author associations, and local life-drawing collectives are hosting spring workshops and regional literary panels across local venues and libraries.

Quirky Global News

• Retail Traders “Vibe-Coding” Algorithms: Financial brokerages are closely monitoring a growing trend of retail traders using auto-code AI tools to build personal algorithmic execution agents, sparking debates around market volatility and retail safety guardrails.

International Media Headlines

• The Wall Street Journal (Today): “Retail Investors Vibe-Code Trading Agents With AI Tools”
• The Financial Times (Today): “Global Markets Navigate Central Bank Signals Amid Energy Price Resurgence”
• The Economist (Current Issue): “The World Ahead: Fractured Alliances, Industrial Policy, and the Fiscal Squeeze”

Quote of the Week

“In business, the rearview mirror is always clearer than the windshield, but navigating economic cycles requires keeping your eyes firmly on the road ahead.” — Warren Buffett

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Editorial Disclosure & Disclaimer

Financial News Daily is an independent business news syndicate and a wholly owned subsidiary of Idea Accelerator. We publish financial, environmental and corporate commentary for digital platforms, media outlets and organisations. Nothing published here constitutes investment, legal or financial advice. All opinions are editorial commentary on matters of public and economic interest.

From reselling and gig work to consulting and tutoring, second incomes are becoming part of how South Africans supplement their earnings.

What are South Africans doing to find second incomes in 2026?

Financial planners are usually good at telling people how to cut back when they lose their jobs, particularly in two-income households. Over the years, people increase their expenses and become accustomed to a certain lifestyle, sometimes without realising how difficult it would be to maintain it on one salary.

The advice is familiar: cut down on subscriptions, delay major purchases, review insurance and other expenses, and work out what would happen if one income disappeared. A financial stress test can help a household prepare for that possibility. So can paying attention to the warning signs of an imminent job loss, whether through retrenchment, declining business performance or concerns about job security.

But there is one thing financial planners do not usually tell you: where to go looking for new income.

When you lose a job, the obvious answer is to look for another one. But jobs are not easy to find, and securing one can take a long time. For some people, the wait may be so long that they never return to the formal job market. That is how serious the problem can be.

It is surprising, then, that finding new income gets so little attention.

Second incomes are not only important when someone is earning a low salary or facing a crisis. They can also be a way to build financial resilience before a crisis arrives. Many people spend considerable time trying to work out how they can make more money, yet those who have spent their careers in corporate offices may never have been shown how to start a business of their own.

That is not everyone. Some people have never been comfortable in corporate life and are already pursuing income-generating opportunities outside it. For them, the second income is not simply a safety net. It is a way of working towards an exit.

So, what are South Africans actually doing to find second incomes in 2026? And how do those opportunities differ by age group?

Ages 18–27: Digital skills, social commerce and flexible work

For South Africans aged 18 to 27, second-income opportunities often begin with what they already have: a smartphone, internet access and an ability to navigate digital platforms.

Reselling and social commerce offer one route. Clothing, accessories, beauty products and other goods can be sourced and sold through Instagram, TikTok and WhatsApp. The attraction is that a business can start small, without the cost of a physical shop.

Content creation and digital services offer another. Local businesses need help with social media, short-form video, product photography and basic online marketing. For someone building experience, these services can become a way to earn while developing a portfolio.

Gig work and delivery services provide a more immediate route to income. The appeal is flexibility, although earnings depend on demand, operating costs and the availability of work.

For this group, the challenge is not necessarily a lack of ideas. It is finding opportunities that produce a reliable return rather than simply consuming time.

Ages 28–43: Exporting skills and building small businesses

For those aged 28 to 43, the search often shifts from finding any income to making better use of skills already acquired.

Freelancing and remote services can turn professional experience into a second income. Writing, accounting, software development, design, administration and other services can be offered to clients in South Africa or abroad.

The opportunity is particularly attractive where the work can be done remotely and paid for in foreign currency. But it is not automatic. Finding clients, managing deadlines and competing in a global market require more than simply listing a service online.

Small food businesses offer another route. Meal preparation, baking, catering and other food services can begin with a limited customer base and grow through repeat business. For people with limited capital, the ability to start small is often more important than the size of the eventual opportunity.

Property and tourism services also feature in this age group. Co-hosting short-term rentals, managing properties or offering specialised local experiences can create income without requiring someone to leave their main job.

The common thread is the attempt to turn an existing skill or interest into something that can grow beyond a once-off payment.

Ages 44–59: Experience, property and higher-value services

For South Africans aged 44 to 59, the opportunity often lies in experience that younger workers are still acquiring.

Consulting and fractional management can allow experienced professionals to work with businesses that need expertise but cannot afford a full-time executive. Financial management, compliance, governance and operational advice are examples of services that can be provided on a part-time basis.

Property income is another possibility, where circumstances make it viable. Renting out a cottage, room or other space can provide an additional income stream, although the costs of maintenance, finance and management need to be considered.

Home improvement and renewable-energy services offer opportunities for those with practical skills or the ability to coordinate contractors. Solar installation, landscaping, maintenance and backup-water solutions are examples of services that can be built around local demand.

For this group, the advantage is often the ability to charge for experience rather than simply for time. The challenge is that some opportunities require capital, licensing or a willingness to take on additional responsibility.

Ages 60+: Knowledge, practical skills and trusted services

For older South Africans, second-income opportunities are often less about building a large business and more about finding work that fits around retirement.

Tutoring and teaching can make use of academic knowledge, professional experience or language skills. School support, online teaching and other forms of education offer possibilities for those who enjoy working with people.

Art, crafts and local markets provide another route. Paintings, handmade goods, plants and other products can be sold directly to customers or through markets and galleries.

Property care and community services can also generate income. House-sitting, pet care, gardening and administrative assistance are examples of work where reliability and trust are valuable.

For this group, the appeal is often flexibility. The opportunity is to earn without returning to the demands of a full-time career.

Different ages, different income opportunities

The second-income market is not one market. It is a collection of opportunities shaped by age, skills, capital and time.

For younger people, the priority may be getting started. For those in their thirties and forties, it may be building a business that can grow. For older workers, it may be making experience and assets work harder.

The common thread is that people are looking beyond the traditional salary.

The financial stress test still has its place. But in 2026, the more useful question may be a different one:

What can I do to create another income before I need it?

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Editorial Disclosure & Disclaimer

Financial News Daily is an independent business news syndicate and a wholly owned subsidiary of Idea Accelerator. We publish financial, environmental and corporate commentary for digital platforms, media outlets and organisations. Nothing published here constitutes investment, legal or financial advice. All opinions are editorial commentary on matters of public and economic interest.

There was a time when a side hustle was simply a nice-to-have — a little extra gravy on top of a regular salary. But in today’s South African economy, sideline income has become almost essential for covering basic living costs.

The numbers tell the story

The scale of the shift is striking. According to the 2025 Old Mutual Savings & Investment Monitor (OMSIM), 57% of employed South Africans now have more than one source of income. Among young people aged 18 to 29, that figure jumps to 75%. Other surveys paint a similar picture: the JustMoney Money & Me survey found that 36% of respondents have a side hustle, while an infoQuest survey reported that 42% of consumers are taking on extra work to improve their cashflow.

The 1Life Insurance Generational Wealth Survey puts the figure even higher at 55%. And it’s not just a young person’s game — side hustles now span all age groups, with 41% of over-50s now having a side income. Nearly 9.5 million South Africans now earn through the informal economy.

From beach gowns to room rentals

Just take a walk through any Saturday morning market and you’ll see the creativity on display: people selling handmade beach hooded towelling ponchos, homemade jams, knitted jerseys, and all sorts of items crafted from home. Others with coastal properties are renting out every available room. Estate agents who might have retired years ago are still selling well into their late 70s.

This isn’t about luxury — it’s about survival. With the cost of food, petrol, electricity, insurance, and health insurance all rising, good-paying jobs are increasingly scarce.

How to find your side hustle

The common wisdom about starting a side hustle is simple: figure out what you enjoy doing, find a product or service you can offer, and then find paying customers. It may take some trial and error before you hit on something worthwhile — but once you do, you’ll be able to supplement your earnings. For some, it even means giving up their day job and going full-time.

Popular side hustles include buying and selling items online, food and beverage businesses, and gig economy work like ride-hailing — with 70% of gig workers using it as a secondary income source.

The reality is clear: in this economy, waiting for a single salary to cover everything is no longer enough. But with resourcefulness, creativity, and a bit of persistence, South Africans are finding ways to not just survive — but to build something more.